Domains of Kanuri Loanwords in Margi

Th e socio-cultural contact between Kanuri and Margi led to an inevitable borrowing of words from Kanuri to Margi. As such, this research paper deals with the investigation of the diff erent domains of incidence in that the borrowing took place. In collecting data for the research, an unstructured interview was used (along with a tape recorder) to record the articulation of the informants for transcription purposes. Brann’s (2006) 16 Domains of Incidence was adopted as the model of approach in this research. Th e data collected showed that there are eight domains where loanwords from Kanuri to Margi took place. Th e domains include school, offi ce, market, temple, club, home, color, time and direction, weather and climate. Th e work identifi ed 78 Kanuri loanwords in Margi. Th e numbers of loanwords identifi ed in each of the domains are: school 7, offi ce 6, market 10, temple 8, club 2, home 29, colour time and direction 13, weather and climate 3. Th e fi ndings of the research established that the domain of home has the highest number of Kanuri loanwords in Margi. Finally, this paper claims that the early contact that led to borrowing between Kanuri and Margi was in their place of residence, customary or offi cial location. Th erefore, the knowledge acquired can serve as a valuable reference material for linguists who might be interested in the study of loanwords and comparative linguistics between Kanuri, Margi and other African languages.


Introduction
Th is paper is a study of the domains of Kanuri loanwords in Margi. Here, domains of incidence refer to the diff erent social contexts or instances of interaction between people. It is the setting where people and family members meet for diff erent aspects of life, and in relation to that, the speech communities they occupy contain diff erent numbers of domains that defi ne their social lives. Th ese include among others: religion, education, club, bars, home. Th is paper explores the diff erent settings through which Kanuri and Margi interact with each other which in turn, leads to a Kanuri, however, is dialectally fairly diverse. Standard Kanuri is the variety spoken in and around Maiduguri, a variety now used on radio and television broadcast and seen in most works printed in Kanuri (Cyffer & Hutchison, 1990). Similarly, Bulakarima (1997) identifies six dialects of Kanuri instead of the four dialects earlier proposed in Bulakarima (1987). According to him, these six dialects constitute what is referred to as the Kanuri Language. They are Bilma, Dagəra, Manga, Mowar, Suwurti and Yerwa.

Contact between the two languages
The area around the Lake Chad is characterized as an example for a region where ethnic changes abundantly took place and still do. For example some Kanuri districts, or the leaders of those districts, are (unofficially) named after other ethnic names (e.g. Margi, Shuwa) or Kanuri clan names are identical with ethnic names of other groups, e.g. Tera, Bade. Both people speak a Chadic language and live in the south and west of the Kanuri respectively. These are indications that the Kanuri formerly absorbed and integrated these peoples (p. 49).
The above assertion shows that Kanuri has contact with many Chadic languages in which Margi is not an exception. As a result of these contacts, borrowing of words became unavoidable.

Literature Review
Borrowing is the process of importing linguistic items from one linguistic system into another, "a process that occurs when two languages are in contact over a period of time. It is an instance where foreign elements are introduced in the native language, while in the substrata interference speakers adopt another language and abandon their own" (Abdullahi, 2008:24).
In his discussion of the different types of borrowing, Muhammed (1987) mentions two primary types of linguistic borrowing. These are direct borrowing and cultural borrowing. According to him, "direct borrowing deals with borrowing within the same speech area, and cultural borrowing is when the borrowed items are from different languages" (p. 69). Consequently, he realizes that there is inadequacy in distinguishing between the two by saying that "there is no absolute distinction to be made between dialect boundaries and language boundaries," asserting that "linguistic borrowing also depends upon the nature and degree of contact between two languages." (p. 69). In another view, Salim (1981) identifies two types of borrowing: intra-language and inter-language. He explains that "both types of borrowing have similarity in that the behaviour of given speakers may be either a conscious or unconscious one" (p. 16). So many attempts have been made to distinguish code switching and borrowing. One of the early approaches in doing so is that of Scotton (1988) who uses the level of social significance of the item. His view is that if the non-native item carries social significance, it is a code-switch. The criterion might not be helpful where the form and meaning are identical but the label is different. The assertion of Hoffer (2002) is that, "Since 1950 many attempts have been made to find diagnostic criteria which will distinguish borrowing, transfer, interference, code-switching, code-mixing, so on" (p. 6). Abdullahi (2008) claims that "up to now, there is no consensus in an attempt to distinguish between code-switching and borrowing" (p. 39). However, the chief criteria used in distinguishing them have been: a. degree of use by monolinguals, and; b. degree of morphophonemic integration. The first criteria entail that established loans are commonly used by monolingual speakers, whereas code-switching tends to be a transitory phenomenon. Some linguists however, argue that the frequency of occurrence is an inconclusive measure to differentiate between code-switching and borrowing. Poplack (1988) too seems to suggest that "the use of a borrowed item is code-switching until enough speakers use it and it is accepted by native speakers into their dictionary" (p. 220). Based on the above views of different scholars, we can deduce that the main difference between borrowing and code-switching is that borrowed items are integrated into the borrowing language, while code-switching implies the use of two or more different language codes within the same stretch of speech.
In his publication, Allison (2015) says that "the socio-cultural influence the Kanuri had on the Makary Kotoko language is evident from the number of Kanuri loanwords in the language" (p. 5). He identified 916 borrowings in a database containing a little over 3000 distinct lexical entries, out of which 401 have a Classical Arabic (C.A.) source. Of those with a C.A. source, 133 show evidence of having been borrowed through Kanuri. In addition, another 379 items (with no apparent C.A. source) have been borrowed from Kanuri. This makes borrowings from Kanuri (512 in total) account for more than half of the known borrowings in the language and about one-sixth of the Makary Kotoko lexical database. The table below shows how the borrowings from Kanuri (considering only those with no apparent C.A. source) are distributed among the different lexical categories of Makary Kotoko.

Kanuri borrowings Number
Nouns 302 Verbs 12 Adjectives 32 Adverbs 15 Ideophones 8 Grammatical morphemes 10 TOTAL 379 The above distribution shows that Nouns were heavily borrowed by the Makary Kotoko language with a total number of 302 lexical items. This is followed by adjectives with 32 lexical items, 15 adverbs, 12 verbs, 10 grammatical morphemes and 8 ideophones, making ideophones the least lexical category borrowed from Kanuri. Grema (2011) in his analysis of Kanuri loanwords in Hausa classifies the loans based on the semantic domain of usage of the loanwords in Hausa as well as the phonological and morphological adaptations of them. Eight specific domains were identified in the work. They are: the domains of Education, Religion, and Culture, Politics, Transportation, Farm, Personal and Place names, Homes and Anomalous.
Percentages of each of these domains were identified. Based on the findings, the domain of religion and culture has the greatest number of loanwords from Kanuri to Hausa with 48.10 percent. This is according to him, due to the fact that Islam came to the Kanem Borno Empire before reaching the Hausa land. Mohammadou (1997), in his study of Kanuri imprint on Adamawa Fulɓe and Fulfulde, found that the Fulfulde-Kanuri contacts successively took place in a double contrasting environment of Borno and Fombina. In his findings, Mohammadou (1997) Bulakarima (1999) in his analysis of Kanuri loanwords in Guddiranci states that "Guddiranci borrowed words from Kanuri either directly or indirectly. Although Guddiranci has intimate contacts with other Chadic languages, Karai Karai, Ngizim, Bole, Ngamo and Bade as well as some Niger-Congo languages (Fulfulde)." His findings reveal that out of the 91 loanwords found in Guddiranci, 45 are from Kanuri while the remaining 46 are from Karai Karai, Ngizim, Bole, Ngamo, Fulfulde and Bade. Bulakarima (2001) provides not only an important collection of English and French loanwords in Kanuri but also discusses their sound correspondences. According to him, since the ultimate aim of the study is to pave way for the incorporation of all the necessary loanwords and phrases, even the Greek compound words like demos cracia which was Anglicized to "democracy" and transferred to the Kanuri language via Arabization by suffixing "tiya" to the roots "demos" -people and "kratein" -to rule -to form the word "dimukratia" in Kanuri.
The work of Schuh (2003) is one of the most important works that focuses on the phonological and morphological adaptations of Kanuri words as they have been borrowed into other Chadic languages (Bade and Ngizim). The very large majority of loanwords identified are 'substantive' items-nouns and verbs. For example, in his analysis, of the 561 Kanuri loanwords in Ngizim, 390 are nouns and 118 are verbs, the remaining 53 being a mixture of adjectives, adverbs, ideophones, interjections, particles and conjunctions.
In her work, Rothmaler (2006) examines how Arabic words are integrated into Kanuri and used in producing the shape of the words to fit into the Kanuri lexicon through the insertion and weakening of an epenthetic vowel at a word-initial position. Example: a. álájì < al-hajj "Title for somebody who has undertaken the pilgrimage to Mecca" b. alkali < al-khadi "Judge" Here, the nouns are incorporated including the article al which is the definite form of the noun. While in these words: a. líwúlà < al ibra "Needle" b. láirà < al akira "here after" This is a case of the weakening of the sounds /b/ and /k/ in the borrowed words as nouns with the article and the initial vowel dropped.
The most extensive single work on Margi and also the most detailed and reliable is that of Hoffmann (1963) who provides a detailed description of the phonology, morphology and syntax of Babal Margi. Dlibugunaya (2016) establishes a Margi phonemic inventory by using the classical phonemic discovery procedure of particularly minimal pairs and free variation. The work identifies the consonant and the vowel system of Margi and provides detailed descriptions with regard to their distribution into a different environment in a word. The finding of the work reveals that the consonant /ʋ/ does not occur in a wordinitial position, while the consonants /ɓ, w, f, v, t, d, ɗ, z, dz, n, tl, dl, sh, zh, c, gy, ky, hy, ghy, ny, k, g, h, gh, j, 'w, 'y/ do not occur in the word-final position. But the consonants /j, ʋ/ can only occur in word-initial and medial positions. Concerning the distribution of phonetic vowels in Margi, Dlibugunaya (2016) states that these can occur in all the three positions in a word, i.e., word-initial, word-medial, and word-final positions.

Methodology
The methods through which the data for this research is collected are discussed under the following sub-headings: the area of the study, method of data collection, sample selection, description of the method, and data collection procedure.

Area of the study
This research is based on the Margi (Margi Putai) or West Margi spoken in Damboa Local Government Area of Borno state. The Margi West (Margi Putai) dialect is chosen for this research because of its contact with the Kanuri language.

Method for data collection
An unstructured interview is applied to the selected groups of Margi Putai native speakers. A tape recorder is also used to record the articulation of the lexical items for the purpose of transcription by the researcher. This method is adopted in order to give a chance to those who can neither read nor write. Therefore, obtaining information from such people is impossible by the application of a mere questionnaire.

Sample selection
Fifty (50) Margi Putai respondents were selected from the area of the study. The average age of the sample population of people interviewed ranged from 25 to 50. This is because people of that age-range tend to have full mastery of their native language.

Data collection procedure
The researcher lists 300 words randomly drawn from Bulakarima, Bosoma, & Bulakarima's (2003) Kanuri-English Dictionary, which were presented to the respondents to give their Margi Putai equivalents on the question schedule prepared for the interview. The same manner is maintained from one respondent to the other.

Description of the method
The interview questions are divided into two sections: section one being the introductory part where information about the participants are collected, it consists of questions such as; name, age, occupation, his or her language variety, local government, village, and educational background (if any). In section two, the researcher lists the selected number of basic vocabulary as in the Bulakarima et al (2003) Kanuri-English Dictionary. Informants are asked to provide their Margi Putai equivalents. However, the researcher is at liberty to read out the words in the list to his informants.

Model of approach
The model of approach that was adopted for this research is that of Brann (2006). The work of Brann (2006) identifies three typologies or archi domains that can be applied to Nigerian urbana. The three levels are: local, state, and federal. Each of these archi domains as discussed in Brann (2006) are seen in three different levels of incidence or media of expressions: the local vernacular languages, the lingua francas and the official languages. The Kanuri loanwords in Margi identified in this research were established on the basis of the themes derived from the contact between Kanuri and Margi. As such, the loanwords are classified into domains as in Brann (2006).

Discussion on Findings
Based on the data obtained for the current research, eight domains were identified. These are the domains of school, office, market, temple, club, home, colour, time and direction, and weather and climate.

School
The Kanuri loanwords in this group belong to the domain of school (education). School is any place of instruction, whether traditional, Islamic, or western (public) (Brann, 2006 The words above are found only in Islamic education within the Kanuri speaking communities. For example, málǝm is used mostly in referring to a person that teaches small children the Quran at the Sangaya level while gòní is a teacher to the málǝm who teaches the advanced aspect of the religion. Therefore, compared with the western education, málǝm is equivalent to an NCE, Diploma or Degree holder, while gòní can be accorded the level of a Masters or PhD holder.

Office
An office is at the centre of either public or private administrations corresponding to local, state and federal levels (Brann, 2006). The words in this subsection are mostly used in the traditional system of administration in Kanuri. They are borrowed into Margi to serve the same purpose. In the above examples, the words máinà and yerima (in a and b) with the same gloss 'prince' are used in different cases. The one in (a) is used generally for the King's son, while the one in (b) is used to denote the senior prince of the ruling house. The senior title Kaigama is used to denote commander of the Army whereas galadima is derived from the word galtǝ>galatǝ which literally means "advice" together with the bound morpheme (suffix) -ma which is used to derive agential noun from a verb. As such, galtǝma>galatǝma>galadima is a traditional title given to an adviser of the Shehu or Emir.

Market
A marketplace denotes any level of exchange or purchase of goods either at the local family stall or at the stock exchange market. Depending on the level of the markets, local languages are used at the level of market stalls in the home market, buyer's languages are used in the traditional market whereas, in supermarkets, prices are fixed on the products, which does not give room for bargain. In the case of Kanuri and Margi, the contacts that led to borrowing were a result of traditional market exchanges that are based on Kanuri. The Kanuri loanwords in this group are made up of those that belong to trade and occupation. The data above indicates that several lexical items were borrowed into Margi language within the domain of the market. This is to show that the two languages have contact with respect to trading and occupational affairs. In example (d) above, the Kanuri word kasuwu was borrowed as kasuku by changing the bilabial semi-vowel /w/ to velar plosive /k/. This is because the word as used in SKO is a sonorized form of kasugu, and due to early contact between the two languages, Margi borrowed and maintained the old form as kasuku with some phonological modifications which were discussed in Modu (2017).

Temple
The From the words above, we can conclude that Margi borrows many lexical items from Kanuri that are used in the domain of religion. This shows that the Margi speakers use such words in their Islamic worships.

Club
The Kanuri loanwords in Margi in this domain are the ones found in settings of social relaxation outside the home. That is to say, the words are used at entertainment centers: The words above are used for entertainment purposes, especially during ceremonies and occasions. For example, it is a commonly known fact that there are people in Kanuri communities who go from one occasion to the other praising people and at times singing in order to earn their livings. Such kinds of people are called dúwù in Kanuri. When borrowed into Margi it became duku. The reason was that the word was borrowed when the phonology of the source language had not changed.

Home
The lexical items in this group are those related to objects, structures, materials, animals, and food items that are used at home. It is also a domain of both nuclear and extended families (Brann, 2006). Other words that are categorized into this sub-section are those that are used for naming persons and body parts. Those names are used in Kanuri communities and were borrowed into Margi as a result of a direct interaction between the speakers of the two languages. The example (f ) above tǝmbǝlì 'toilet' is dialectal and it is used mostly in Manga dialect. This is because other dialects like Yerwa prefer sálgá>salaa. Other dialects do use ngàwùdí in referring to the same place (toilet). The example of animals found under this domain are used mostly at home for day-to-day use, but dagǝl>dagil seems to be confusing as to whether it will be classified as a domestic or wild animal. In this case, it can mean both domestic and wild animal in the sense that even though it is found mostly in the bush, some people do keep it as a pet in their houses.
The examples (u, x, w) above which are names of people are used as common nouns. This is because the name kàká meaning 'grandparent' can be used by any man or woman who has grandchildren. Gàjí is used in naming a last born in a family. It is also used for both sexes. Gàmbó is used to name one who was born after twins, and it is a unisex name. Therefore, the Kanuri loanwords that are used in naming people which have been borrowed into Margi are mostly common nouns and at the same time unisex names. As such, there is no evidence so far in this research that identified any instance in which personal names are borrowed from Kanuri to Margi.

Conclusion
This research provides domains in which Margi borrowed Kanuri words. The work has discussed the different modes of contact between the two languages and how the contacts affected the lexicons of both. Based on the data collected and analyzed, eight domains were identified in the work. These are the domains of school, office, market, temple, club, home, colour, time and direction, and weather and climate. About 78 Kanuri loanwords in Margi were identified in this work. The distribution of words shows that the domain of school has 7 loanwords, office places have 6, market 10, temple 8, club 2, names of persons and body parts 9, home 20, colour, time and direction 13, weather and climate 3. Among all of these domains, it is apparent that the domain of home has the highest number of words. Hence, we can deduce that the early contact that led to borrowing between Kanuri and Margi was in their place of residence or their customary or original locations.